Anti-corruption protests in India

　　印度的反腐敗抗議

　　SQUELCHING barefoot in the sludge atRamlila Maidan, a park in central Delhi, a middle-aged manpraises the peopleslove for his guru, Anna Hazare. His eyes shine with zeal and hunger. Hislegs have cramp from fasting, for over a week, beside his 74-year-old leader. Sowhat? We trainour bodies to go without food for 30 days, he says. To loseflesh is to gain energy.

　　赤腳穿行于德里市中心Ramlila Maiden蘭姆力拉廣場公園的淤泥中，一位中年男子表達著對他心目中的領袖安納哈扎爾的愛戴之情。他的眼神閃爍著激情和饑餓。一周多來追隨其74歲領袖，他的雙腿因絕食而痙攣。這又怎樣呢?他說，30天來我們絕食來訓練我們的身體。犧牲肉身來獲取精力。

　　Mr Hazare, who has himself lost 6kg, isprone on a platform nearby, framed by a huge posterof Mahatma Gandhi, whosemethods he has adopted. A bank of television cameras and adevoted crowd, tensof thousands strong, watch him intently, day and night, cheering andchantingin a sea of mud. Groups of uniformed schoolboys march about, flourishing theIndiantricolour. Young men sport white Gandhi caps with I am Anna penned onthe sides.

　　哈扎爾先生本人，已經減輕了6公斤體重，仰臥于附近的一座平臺之上，背景是一副巨型的甘地畫像，他正沿用著甘地的方式。無數的攝像機，數萬名忠實的群眾，日夜不分的專心的看著他，在一片泥海中不時發出喝彩和頌揚之聲。一群群著裝統一的學生揮舞著印度三色旗游行示威。年輕人頭戴側面寫有我是安納字樣的甘地式帽子。

　　Trade is brisk in Hazare rosettes,headbands, T-shirts, and badges. Five rupees getsthree swipes ofpaintsaffron, white, greenon your cheek. Even police X-ray gateshavecorruption-free India scrawled on them. Dozens of cities have their ownmarches andprotests. The countrys thicket of excitable cable-news networksreports on nothing else.

　　與哈扎爾有關的玫瑰花飾、頭帶、T恤和徽章生意興隆。5個盧比就可以在你臉上畫上橘黃、白、綠三色條。甚至警察的x射線安檢門都涂上了印度遠離腐敗。數十個城市都有自己的游行和抗議。該國容易亢奮的有線資訊網團體除此之外什么都不予關注。

　　Mr Hazares campaign has turned him froma notedsocial reformer into a national figure. He hasdemanded that, by the endof the month, parliamentpass a bill his team has written setting up ananti-graft ombudsman, or Lokpal, tooversee every partof government from the serving prime minister andSupremeCourt down, holding every governmentbody accountable for corruption andpotentiallybecoming a powerful new arm of the state.

　　哈扎爾的舉動已經使他從一個知名的社會改革者變成了全國矚目的人物。他要求在本月底前，議會通過一項他團隊草擬的議案，該議案要求設立反腐官員、或委員會，來監管包括總理到最高法院在內的所有政府機構，使每一個政府部門都接受反腐審計，有可能成為國家一個新的有力臂膀。

　　On August 24th, after talks with MrHazare, the ruling Congress Party called an all-party meetingat the primeministers residence, which agreed to resist the activist. A day earlier theprimeminister, Manmohan Singh, had been rebuffed after begging Mr Hazare tocall off the fast for thesake of his health and a shared goal of wiping outcorruption.

　　8月24日，在與哈扎爾會談之后，執政黨在總理官邸召開了一次全黨會議，會上同意回絕這位活動家。一天前，總理辛格請求哈扎爾看在自身健康和掃除腐敗的共同目標的情分上取消絕食的建議遭到拒絕。

　　In the end the government may havelittle option but to give in to the street protesters, but asof August 25th itwas playing for time. Although one ageing but spirited opposition leader,L.K.Advani, has urged the government to quit and call a fresh election, nobody elseseemedkeen. Even Mr Advanis Bharatiya Janata Party quickly said it did notwant early polls.

　　也許最終政府除了向街頭示威者妥協外并無多少選擇，不過才25號，它仍有時間。雖然一位年長卻精神矍鑠的反對派領導人L.K. Advani已經要求政府下臺并舉行新的大選，但無人響應。甚至Advani自己的印度人民黨也很快說無意于提前選舉。

　　Quite how Mr Singhs governmentjustifies its keep, however, is growing harder to see. By turnsit has beeninept and indecisive over this affair, while failing to get anything else doneeither.Last week it briefly jailed and tried to muzzle Mr Hazare, whichguaranteed him wide publicityand sympathy instead. That was followed by a daftclaim by Congress that the Americans wereegging on the protesters. RahulGandhi, who with three others is supposed to run Congresswhile his mother,Sonia, gets medical care abroad, has been deafeningly silent, absent fromDelhiand offering no leadership.

　　如何證明其執政的正當性，辛格政府對此保持沉默，然而，這一點也越發難以體現。無力在其他事上有所突破的同時，在這件事上的轉變只代表其無能和猶豫不決。上周辛格政府只是拘禁了哈扎爾，試圖使其閉嘴，這反而使得哈扎爾名聲大震而且深得同情。之后國會發表一份可笑的申明，說美國人在抗議者中煽風點火。當其母Sonia在國外接受醫療的時候，Rahul Gandhi和其他三人一起被認為是國會領導人，但她裝聾作啞，既不在德里也不承擔任何領導職責。

　　Those dismayed by both graft andpoliticianshopelessness have felt increasingly inclined to fall inbehind MrHazare. Protesters moved from publicsquares to camp outside the Delhi homesofgovernment ministers and MPs, unsettling theoccupants. One protester set fireto himself onAugust 23rd.

　　那些對腐敗和政客的無能感到失望的人們逐漸傾向于支持哈扎爾。示威者們從公共廣場轉移到政府部長和議員們位于德里的住址外圍安營扎寨，使這些官員很不安。8月23日一位示威者還縱火自焚。

　　By mid-week Mr Hazares supportersclaimed they were within sight of a great triumph. Theybrushed aside questionsabout parliamentary democracy being undermined by a minority ofstreetprotesters. A bunged-up system needed a jolt, they retorted. A newly assertiveurbanmiddle class looks ever readier to push elected leaders to actin their interest.

　　截至周中哈扎爾的支持者們說他們看到了偉大勝利的曙光。他們對議會民主被一小部分街頭抗議者侵蝕的質疑置之不理。他們反駁說，一個阻塞的系統需要敲擊。一個新興的自信的城市中層階級似乎已準備迫使民選領袖代表他們的利益。

　　Cooler heads, however, are wary. Tocraft a campaign against corruption into a movementaround a single figure isfaintly troubling. The claim that Anna is India, India is Anna soundscloseto cult-speak. As it happens, the Supreme Court, the auditor-general, a panoplyof civilactivists and a more assertive press have all helped to hold thecorrupt to account this year.Several powerful figures have been jailed.

　　然而，冷靜的頭腦行事謹慎。將一個反腐敗運動塑造成圍繞某單一個人的行動毫不費力。安納即印度、印度即安納這個口號聽起來很像一個邪教的說法。巧合的是，最高院、總檢察長、一位民主活動家的盛典和一家堅決果斷的媒體都有助于今年開展腐敗審查。一些權勢人物已經鋃鐺入獄。

　　Other doubts exist about Mr Hazare. SomeMuslim leaders are suspicious of the nationalist, andwhat they see as at timesHindu-dominated, tone and imagery of his campaign. Low-casteDalits, whorallied separately in Delhi on August 24th, also question his stand. They fretthat ifstreet protesters can, in effect, make one constitutional change, anattack might follow on atreasured but controversial constitutional provision reservingjobs and more for the lowestcastes.

　　也有一些對哈扎爾的疑問。一些穆斯林領導人對其民族主義心存疑慮，他們在其運動中時常看到印度教為主的語調和圖像。8月24號，在德里單獨集會的低等級的賤民們，也質疑其立場。他們憂愁于如果街頭抗議者真能有效的做出憲法的修改，接下來可能就會攻擊一個寶貴而有爭議的憲法條款，即提供一些保留職位，而其中絕大部分是給最底層民眾的。

　　Mostly sceptics bristle at Mr Hazaresmethods. The most revered Dalit leader, the late B.R.Ambedkar, chief draftsmanof Indias constitution, has been much quoted this week for an earlywarningabout the grammar of anarchy, by which he meant using Gandhi-style fasts toimposeyour will on a democratic government. Hunger strikes, a form ofblackmail, might have beenjustified against the British, but not againstelected leaders.

　　絕大部分懷疑者不滿于哈扎爾的方法。最受尊敬的賤民領袖，印度憲法主起草人，B.R.Ambedkar，其早前對他所謂的用甘地式的絕食把自己的意愿強加于民主政府的無政府原則的警告本周被多次援引。絕食抗議作為一種勒索方式，也許可以用于英國殖民者，卻不應針對民選領袖。

　　Such grumbles will not dent Mr Hazaresprogress. His camp hints at possible future campaignson electoral changes andeducation reform. Rival fasters might also jump in since a hungerstrikesextended drama so clearly suits live television. Yet elected politicians canpush back. Theyhave an easy way to remind voters how they matter, by gettingon and passing many long-promised bills, for example on further economicreform. Dull and undramatic: but for manyvoters it matters at least as much ascorruption.

　　這些牢騷不會阻礙哈扎爾的腳步。其營地暗示在未來有可能發起對選舉和教育的改革的運動。既然絕食抗議這部大戲如此適合電視直播，敵對的絕食者也可能會跳出來。不過當選的政客也能接招。他們只需通過大量遠期的法案，如更深刻的經濟改革，就可以很容易的提醒選民們他們對此十分在意。乏味而平淡無奇，但對許多選民而言，這和腐敗一樣重要。

　　Anti-corruption protests in India

　　印度的反腐敗抗議

　　SQUELCHING barefoot in the sludge atRamlila Maidan, a park in central Delhi, a middle-aged manpraises the peopleslove for his guru, Anna Hazare. His eyes shine with zeal and hunger. Hislegs have cramp from fasting, for over a week, beside his 74-year-old leader. Sowhat? We trainour bodies to go without food for 30 days, he says. To loseflesh is to gain energy.

　　赤腳穿行于德里市中心Ramlila Maiden蘭姆力拉廣場公園的淤泥中，一位中年男子表達著對他心目中的領袖安納哈扎爾的愛戴之情。他的眼神閃爍著激情和饑餓。一周多來追隨其74歲領袖，他的雙腿因絕食而痙攣。這又怎樣呢?他說，30天來我們絕食來訓練我們的身體。犧牲肉身來獲取精力。

　　Mr Hazare, who has himself lost 6kg, isprone on a platform nearby, framed by a huge posterof Mahatma Gandhi, whosemethods he has adopted. A bank of television cameras and adevoted crowd, tensof thousands strong, watch him intently, day and night, cheering andchantingin a sea of mud. Groups of uniformed schoolboys march about, flourishing theIndiantricolour. Young men sport white Gandhi caps with I am Anna penned onthe sides.

　　哈扎爾先生本人，已經減輕了6公斤體重，仰臥于附近的一座平臺之上，背景是一副巨型的甘地畫像，他正沿用著甘地的方式。無數的攝像機，數萬名忠實的群眾，日夜不分的專心的看著他，在一片泥海中不時發出喝彩和頌揚之聲。一群群著裝統一的學生揮舞著印度三色旗游行示威。年輕人頭戴側面寫有我是安納字樣的甘地式帽子。

　　Trade is brisk in Hazare rosettes,headbands, T-shirts, and badges. Five rupees getsthree swipes ofpaintsaffron, white, greenon your cheek. Even police X-ray gateshavecorruption-free India scrawled on them. Dozens of cities have their ownmarches andprotests. The countrys thicket of excitable cable-news networksreports on nothing else.

　　與哈扎爾有關的玫瑰花飾、頭帶、T恤和徽章生意興隆。5個盧比就可以在你臉上畫上橘黃、白、綠三色條。甚至警察的x射線安檢門都涂上了印度遠離腐敗。數十個城市都有自己的游行和抗議。該國容易亢奮的有線資訊網團體除此之外什么都不予關注。

　　Mr Hazares campaign has turned him froma notedsocial reformer into a national figure. He hasdemanded that, by the endof the month, parliamentpass a bill his team has written setting up ananti-graft ombudsman, or Lokpal, tooversee every partof government from the serving prime minister andSupremeCourt down, holding every governmentbody accountable for corruption andpotentiallybecoming a powerful new arm of the state.

　　哈扎爾的舉動已經使他從一個知名的社會改革者變成了全國矚目的人物。他要求在本月底前，議會通過一項他團隊草擬的議案，該議案要求設立反腐官員、或委員會，來監管包括總理到最高法院在內的所有政府機構，使每一個政府部門都接受反腐審計，有可能成為國家一個新的有力臂膀。

　　On August 24th, after talks with MrHazare, the ruling Congress Party called an all-party meetingat the primeministers residence, which agreed to resist the activist. A day earlier theprimeminister, Manmohan Singh, had been rebuffed after begging Mr Hazare tocall off the fast for thesake of his health and a shared goal of wiping outcorruption.

　　8月24日，在與哈扎爾會談之后，執政黨在總理官邸召開了一次全黨會議，會上同意回絕這位活動家。一天前，總理辛格請求哈扎爾看在自身健康和掃除腐敗的共同目標的情分上取消絕食的建議遭到拒絕。

　　In the end the government may havelittle option but to give in to the street protesters, but asof August 25th itwas playing for time. Although one ageing but spirited opposition leader,L.K.Advani, has urged the government to quit and call a fresh election, nobody elseseemedkeen. Even Mr Advanis Bharatiya Janata Party quickly said it did notwant early polls.

　　也許最終政府除了向街頭示威者妥協外并無多少選擇，不過才25號，它仍有時間。雖然一位年長卻精神矍鑠的反對派領導人L.K. Advani已經要求政府下臺并舉行新的大選，但無人響應。甚至Advani自己的印度人民黨也很快說無意于提前選舉。

　　Quite how Mr Singhs governmentjustifies its keep, however, is growing harder to see. By turnsit has beeninept and indecisive over this affair, while failing to get anything else doneeither.Last week it briefly jailed and tried to muzzle Mr Hazare, whichguaranteed him wide publicityand sympathy instead. That was followed by a daftclaim by Congress that the Americans wereegging on the protesters. RahulGandhi, who with three others is supposed to run Congresswhile his mother,Sonia, gets medical care abroad, has been deafeningly silent, absent fromDelhiand offering no leadership.

　　如何證明其執政的正當性，辛格政府對此保持沉默，然而，這一點也越發難以體現。無力在其他事上有所突破的同時，在這件事上的轉變只代表其無能和猶豫不決。上周辛格政府只是拘禁了哈扎爾，試圖使其閉嘴，這反而使得哈扎爾名聲大震而且深得同情。之后國會發表一份可笑的申明，說美國人在抗議者中煽風點火。當其母Sonia在國外接受醫療的時候，Rahul Gandhi和其他三人一起被認為是國會領導人，但她裝聾作啞，既不在德里也不承擔任何領導職責。

　　Those dismayed by both graft andpoliticianshopelessness have felt increasingly inclined to fall inbehind MrHazare. Protesters moved from publicsquares to camp outside the Delhi homesofgovernment ministers and MPs, unsettling theoccupants. One protester set fireto himself onAugust 23rd.

　　那些對腐敗和政客的無能感到失望的人們逐漸傾向于支持哈扎爾。示威者們從公共廣場轉移到政府部長和議員們位于德里的住址外圍安營扎寨，使這些官員很不安。8月23日一位示威者還縱火自焚。

　　By mid-week Mr Hazares supportersclaimed they were within sight of a great triumph. Theybrushed aside questionsabout parliamentary democracy being undermined by a minority ofstreetprotesters. A bunged-up system needed a jolt, they retorted. A newly assertiveurbanmiddle class looks ever readier to push elected leaders to actin their interest.

　　截至周中哈扎爾的支持者們說他們看到了偉大勝利的曙光。他們對議會民主被一小部分街頭抗議者侵蝕的質疑置之不理。他們反駁說，一個阻塞的系統需要敲擊。一個新興的自信的城市中層階級似乎已準備迫使民選領袖代表他們的利益。

　　Cooler heads, however, are wary. Tocraft a campaign against corruption into a movementaround a single figure isfaintly troubling. The claim that Anna is India, India is Anna soundscloseto cult-speak. As it happens, the Supreme Court, the auditor-general, a panoplyof civilactivists and a more assertive press have all helped to hold thecorrupt to account this year.Several powerful figures have been jailed.

　　然而，冷靜的頭腦行事謹慎。將一個反腐敗運動塑造成圍繞某單一個人的行動毫不費力。安納即印度、印度即安納這個口號聽起來很像一個邪教的說法。巧合的是，最高院、總檢察長、一位民主活動家的盛典和一家堅決果斷的媒體都有助于今年開展腐敗審查。一些權勢人物已經鋃鐺入獄。

　　Other doubts exist about Mr Hazare. SomeMuslim leaders are suspicious of the nationalist, andwhat they see as at timesHindu-dominated, tone and imagery of his campaign. Low-casteDalits, whorallied separately in Delhi on August 24th, also question his stand. They fretthat ifstreet protesters can, in effect, make one constitutional change, anattack might follow on atreasured but controversial constitutional provision reservingjobs and more for the lowestcastes.

　　也有一些對哈扎爾的疑問。一些穆斯林領導人對其民族主義心存疑慮，他們在其運動中時常看到印度教為主的語調和圖像。8月24號，在德里單獨集會的低等級的賤民們，也質疑其立場。他們憂愁于如果街頭抗議者真能有效的做出憲法的修改，接下來可能就會攻擊一個寶貴而有爭議的憲法條款，即提供一些保留職位，而其中絕大部分是給最底層民眾的。

　　Mostly sceptics bristle at Mr Hazaresmethods. The most revered Dalit leader, the late B.R.Ambedkar, chief draftsmanof Indias constitution, has been much quoted this week for an earlywarningabout the grammar of anarchy, by which he meant using Gandhi-style fasts toimposeyour will on a democratic government. Hunger strikes, a form ofblackmail, might have beenjustified against the British, but not againstelected leaders.

　　絕大部分懷疑者不滿于哈扎爾的方法。最受尊敬的賤民領袖，印度憲法主起草人，B.R.Ambedkar，其早前對他所謂的用甘地式的絕食把自己的意愿強加于民主政府的無政府原則的警告本周被多次援引。絕食抗議作為一種勒索方式，也許可以用于英國殖民者，卻不應針對民選領袖。

　　Such grumbles will not dent Mr Hazaresprogress. His camp hints at possible future campaignson electoral changes andeducation reform. Rival fasters might also jump in since a hungerstrikesextended drama so clearly suits live television. Yet elected politicians canpush back. Theyhave an easy way to remind voters how they matter, by gettingon and passing many long-promised bills, for example on further economicreform. Dull and undramatic: but for manyvoters it matters at least as much ascorruption.

　　這些牢騷不會阻礙哈扎爾的腳步。其營地暗示在未來有可能發起對選舉和教育的改革的運動。既然絕食抗議這部大戲如此適合電視直播，敵對的絕食者也可能會跳出來。不過當選的政客也能接招。他們只需通過大量遠期的法案，如更深刻的經濟改革，就可以很容易的提醒選民們他們對此十分在意。乏味而平淡無奇，但對許多選民而言，這和腐敗一樣重要。