George Soros The Financial Crocodile

　　The speculator, George Soros, whose assault on sterling1 ejected Britain from the European exchange rate mechanism that September of 10 years ago has a mission to use his estimated ￡5 billion fortune and his fame to help tackle what he sees as the failures of globalisation. The idea that a man who made billions betting on the financial markets sides with the anti-globalisation movement might strike some as ironic . Soros is clearly genuinely appalled at the damage wrought on vulnerable economies by the vast sums of money which flow across national borders every day.

　　The US governs the international system to protect its own economy. It is not in charge of protecting other economies, he says. So when America goes into recession, you have antirecessionary policies. When other countries are in recession, they dont have the ability to engage in antirecessionary policies because they cant have a permissive monetary policy, because money would flee . In person , he has the air of a philosophy professor rather than a gimlet-eyed financier. In a soft voice which bears the traces of his native Hungary, he argues that it is time to rewrite the so-called Washington consensus the cocktail of liberalisation, privatisation and fiscal rectitude which the IMF2 has been preaching for 15 years. Developing countries no longer have the freedom to run their own economies, he argues, even when they follow perfectly sound policies. He cites Brazil, which although it has a floating currency and manageable public debt was paying ten times over the odds to borrow from capital markets.

　　Soros, who at one stage after the fall of the Berlin Wall3 was providing more assistance to Russia than the US government, believes in practising what he preaches. His Open Society Institute has been pivotal in helping eastern European countries develop democratic societies and market economies. Soros has the advantage of an insiders knowledge of the workings of global capitalism, so his criticism is particularly pointed. Last year, the Soros foundations network spent nearly half a billion dollars on projects in education, public health and promoting democracy, making it one of the worlds largest private donors.

　　Soros credits the anti-globalisation movement for having made companies more sensitive to their wider responsibilities. I think have made an important con tribution by making people aware of the flaws of the system, he says. People on the street had an impact on public opinion and corporations which sell to the public responded to that. Because the IMF has abandoned billion dollar bailouts for troubled economies, he thinks a repeat of the Asian crisis is unlikely. The funds new tough love policy for which Argentina is the guinea pig has other consequences. The bailouts were a welfare system for Wall Street, with western taxpayers rescuing the banks from the consequences of unwise lending to emerging economies. Now the IMF has drawn a line in the sand, credit to poor countries is drying up. It has created a new problem the inadequacy of the flow of capital from centre to the periphery, he says.

　　The one economy Soros is not losing any sleep about is the U. S. I am much more positive about the underlying economy than I am about the market, because we are waging war not only terrorism but also on recession, he says.Although we dont admit it, we are actually applying Keynesian4 remedies, and I am a confirmed Keynesian. I have not yet seen an economy in recession when you are gearing up for war. He worries that the worlds largest economic power is not living up to its responsibilities. I would like the United States to live up to the responsibilities of its hegemonic power because it is not going to give up its hegemonic power, he says.The only thing that is realistic is for the United States to become aware that it is in its enlightened self-interest to ensure that the rest of the world benefits from their role .

　　練習(xí)題：

　　Ⅰ. Plea se pick out sente nces from th e p assa ge e xp ress in g the following mea nings:

　　1. 就算發(fā)展中國家實(shí)行很完善的機(jī)制, 它們的經(jīng)濟(jì)也有可能被國際游資打擊。

　　2. 索羅斯在冷戰(zhàn)結(jié)束后向俄羅斯提供的資助比美國政府給的要多。

　　3. 索羅斯是國際資本運(yùn)作的行家里手, 所以他的觀點(diǎn)總是切中要害。

　　4. 只要打仗, 國民經(jīng)濟(jì)就會(huì)景氣。

　　Ⅱ. Question :

　　Where is Sorosmotherland?

　　Ⅰ. 1. Developing countries no longer have the freedom to run their own economies, he argues, even when they follow perfectly sound policies.

　　2. Soros, who at one stage after the fall of the Berlin Wall was providing more assistance to Russia than the US government.

　　3. Soros has the advantage of an insiders knowledge of the workings of global capitalism, so his criticism is particularly pointed.

　　4. I have not yet seen an economy in recession when you are gearing up for war.

　　Ⅱ. Hungary.

　　金融大鱷喬治索羅斯

　　在十年前的那個(gè)9 月份狙擊英鎊迫使英國退出歐洲匯率機(jī)制的投機(jī)商喬治 索羅斯有一項(xiàng)使命 利用他大約五十億英鎊的財(cái)產(chǎn)和他的名聲來幫助解決他所認(rèn)為的全球化失敗問題。一個(gè)在全球金融市場上的投機(jī)大賺幾十億的人會(huì)支持反全球化運(yùn)動(dòng), 這對許多人來說極具諷刺意味。很明顯, 對于每天在各國之間流動(dòng)的大量資金給經(jīng)濟(jì)脆弱國家造成的傷害, 索羅斯從心底感到震驚。

　　索羅斯說: 美國管理國際經(jīng)濟(jì)體系是為了保護(hù)本國利益, 它并不負(fù)責(zé)保護(hù)其他國家的經(jīng)濟(jì)。因此, 當(dāng)美國陷入衰退后, 美國會(huì)出臺(tái)反衰退政策。而其他國家陷入衰退時(shí), 卻無力這樣做, 因?yàn)橐坏┻@些國家實(shí)行自由開放的金融政策, 資金就會(huì)外流。索羅斯本人并不像一個(gè)目光敏銳的金融家, 他更具有哲學(xué)教授的氣質(zhì)。帶著匈牙利母語口音, 他用柔和的嗓音提出主張: 現(xiàn)在是修改所謂的 華盛頓共識(shí)的時(shí)候了。那是國際貨幣基金組織十五年來宣揚(yáng)的自由化、私有化和財(cái)政透明的一種混合機(jī)制。他認(rèn)為, 發(fā)展中國家即使執(zhí)行非常合理的政策, 也不能再自由地控制本國經(jīng)濟(jì)。他援引巴西的例子說, 盡管巴西實(shí)行了浮動(dòng)匯率制和可控國債, 但它向資本市場借款還是付出了比正常條件下高出十倍的成本。

　　索羅斯在柏林墻倒塌后一段時(shí)間內(nèi)向俄羅斯提供的援助曾一度超過美國政府的援助。他堅(jiān)定地實(shí)施自己宣揚(yáng)的觀點(diǎn)。他的 開放社會(huì)研究所在幫助東歐國家發(fā)展民主社會(huì)和市場經(jīng)濟(jì)方面發(fā)揮了重要作用。索羅斯具有業(yè)內(nèi)人士的優(yōu)勢, 了解全球資本主義的運(yùn)行,因此他的批評會(huì)受到特別關(guān)注。去年索羅斯基金網(wǎng)絡(luò)在教育、公共衛(wèi)生、促進(jìn)民主項(xiàng)目上花費(fèi)了近五億美元, 使索羅斯基金成為世界上最大的私人捐助集團(tuán)之一。

　　索羅斯贊揚(yáng)反全球化運(yùn)動(dòng)使各公司更加認(rèn)識(shí)到自己更廣泛的責(zé)任。他說: 我認(rèn)為 做出的重要貢獻(xiàn)是使大眾意識(shí)到這個(gè)體系的缺陷。大街上的人們對輿論會(huì)有所影響, 而向公眾推銷商品的公司也會(huì)與輿論保持一致。由于國際貨幣基金組織已經(jīng)拒絕向經(jīng)濟(jì)困難的國家提供數(shù)十億美元的救濟(jì), 索羅斯認(rèn)為亞洲經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)不會(huì)重演。國際貨幣基金組織首次在阿根廷試驗(yàn)的 既愛又嚴(yán)的新政策帶來了其他后果。國際貨幣基金組織用西方納稅人的錢承擔(dān)了銀行因不理智地向新興國家提供貸款造成的惡果, 從而使那些救濟(jì)金給華爾街帶去豐厚福利。現(xiàn)在國際貨幣基金組織對貧困國家的貸款正在枯竭。索羅斯說: 這就產(chǎn)生了一個(gè)新問題 資金從中心向周邊流動(dòng)不足。

　　索羅斯最不擔(dān)心的就是美國經(jīng)濟(jì)。他說: 我對美國的經(jīng)濟(jì)潛力比對現(xiàn)在的市場更有信心, 因?yàn)槲覀冋谶M(jìn)行的戰(zhàn)爭不僅是對付恐怖主義, 而且也是在向經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退開戰(zhàn)。盡管我們不承認(rèn), 但我們實(shí)際是在使用凱恩斯主義藥方, 我是一個(gè)堅(jiān)定的凱恩斯主義者。我從來沒見過哪個(gè)國家在準(zhǔn)備戰(zhàn)事時(shí)還會(huì)陷入經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退。他擔(dān)心這個(gè)世界上最大的經(jīng)濟(jì)大國不 能承擔(dān)起自己的責(zé)任。他說: 我希望美國能夠承擔(dān)起作為霸權(quán)國家的職責(zé), 因?yàn)槊绹粫?huì)放棄自己的霸權(quán)地位。惟一現(xiàn)實(shí)的是, 美國應(yīng)意識(shí)到, 保證世界上其他國家能從他們自己所承擔(dān)的角色中受益, 顯然是符合美國自身利益的。

　　1. sterling n. 英國貨幣體系, 英鎊。它也可作形容詞, 意思為英國貨幣的 , 英鎊的, 如: five pounds sterling 英幣五鎊正

　　2. 即International Monetary Fund 。1945 年成立的聯(lián)合國專門機(jī)構(gòu), 總部設(shè)在華盛頓, 以發(fā)放認(rèn)繳基金籌措資金, 并以特別提款權(quán)為單位計(jì)算基金。會(huì)員國中美國認(rèn)繳份額最多, 所以美國政府最能左右該機(jī)構(gòu)的方針政策。它的宗旨是協(xié)調(diào)各會(huì)員國的貨幣政策, 并通過貸款來維持貨幣穩(wěn)定和貿(mào)易平衡。

　　3. 柏林墻倒塌。二戰(zhàn)后在德國及其首都柏林施行分區(qū)占領(lǐng): 前蘇聯(lián)控制區(qū)成立東德, 美英法區(qū)成立西德, 東西柏林之間建成柏林墻, 很長時(shí)間內(nèi)成為意識(shí)形態(tài)斗爭的象征。隨著1990 年蘇聯(lián)解體, 兩德統(tǒng)一, 柏林墻也被拆除, 成為冷戰(zhàn)結(jié)束的標(biāo)志。

　　4. Keynesian adj. 凱恩斯主義的n. 凱恩斯主義者。John Maynard Keynes , 英國經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家和作家。他主張對過寬的經(jīng)濟(jì)放任政策施行類似社會(huì)主義國家的計(jì)劃管理方式, 提高社會(huì)福利標(biāo)準(zhǔn)以減少社會(huì)矛盾。在他的理論引導(dǎo)下,西方國家在二戰(zhàn)后特別是20 世紀(jì)60 年代實(shí)施國家資本主義體制, 將大量關(guān)系國計(jì)民生的行業(yè)企業(yè)收歸國有, 或者改為國有控股, 這樣做就拉長了原本幾年一次的經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)周期, 但同時(shí)經(jīng)濟(jì)容易出現(xiàn)滯脹.

　　George Soros The Financial Crocodile

　　The speculator, George Soros, whose assault on sterling1 ejected Britain from the European exchange rate mechanism that September of 10 years ago has a mission to use his estimated ￡5 billion fortune and his fame to help tackle what he sees as the failures of globalisation. The idea that a man who made billions betting on the financial markets sides with the anti-globalisation movement might strike some as ironic . Soros is clearly genuinely appalled at the damage wrought on vulnerable economies by the vast sums of money which flow across national borders every day.

　　The US governs the international system to protect its own economy. It is not in charge of protecting other economies, he says. So when America goes into recession, you have antirecessionary policies. When other countries are in recession, they dont have the ability to engage in antirecessionary policies because they cant have a permissive monetary policy, because money would flee . In person , he has the air of a philosophy professor rather than a gimlet-eyed financier. In a soft voice which bears the traces of his native Hungary, he argues that it is time to rewrite the so-called Washington consensus the cocktail of liberalisation, privatisation and fiscal rectitude which the IMF2 has been preaching for 15 years. Developing countries no longer have the freedom to run their own economies, he argues, even when they follow perfectly sound policies. He cites Brazil, which although it has a floating currency and manageable public debt was paying ten times over the odds to borrow from capital markets.

　　Soros, who at one stage after the fall of the Berlin Wall3 was providing more assistance to Russia than the US government, believes in practising what he preaches. His Open Society Institute has been pivotal in helping eastern European countries develop democratic societies and market economies. Soros has the advantage of an insiders knowledge of the workings of global capitalism, so his criticism is particularly pointed. Last year, the Soros foundations network spent nearly half a billion dollars on projects in education, public health and promoting democracy, making it one of the worlds largest private donors.

　　Soros credits the anti-globalisation movement for having made companies more sensitive to their wider responsibilities. I think have made an important con tribution by making people aware of the flaws of the system, he says. People on the street had an impact on public opinion and corporations which sell to the public responded to that. Because the IMF has abandoned billion dollar bailouts for troubled economies, he thinks a repeat of the Asian crisis is unlikely. The funds new tough love policy for which Argentina is the guinea pig has other consequences. The bailouts were a welfare system for Wall Street, with western taxpayers rescuing the banks from the consequences of unwise lending to emerging economies. Now the IMF has drawn a line in the sand, credit to poor countries is drying up. It has created a new problem the inadequacy of the flow of capital from centre to the periphery, he says.

　　The one economy Soros is not losing any sleep about is the U. S. I am much more positive about the underlying economy than I am about the market, because we are waging war not only terrorism but also on recession, he says.Although we dont admit it, we are actually applying Keynesian4 remedies, and I am a confirmed Keynesian. I have not yet seen an economy in recession when you are gearing up for war. He worries that the worlds largest economic power is not living up to its responsibilities. I would like the United States to live up to the responsibilities of its hegemonic power because it is not going to give up its hegemonic power, he says.The only thing that is realistic is for the United States to become aware that it is in its enlightened self-interest to ensure that the rest of the world benefits from their role .

　　練習(xí)題：

　　Ⅰ. Plea se pick out sente nces from th e p assa ge e xp ress in g the following mea nings:

　　1. 就算發(fā)展中國家實(shí)行很完善的機(jī)制, 它們的經(jīng)濟(jì)也有可能被國際游資打擊。

　　2. 索羅斯在冷戰(zhàn)結(jié)束后向俄羅斯提供的資助比美國政府給的要多。

　　3. 索羅斯是國際資本運(yùn)作的行家里手, 所以他的觀點(diǎn)總是切中要害。

　　4. 只要打仗, 國民經(jīng)濟(jì)就會(huì)景氣。

　　Ⅱ. Question :

　　Where is Sorosmotherland?

　　Ⅰ. 1. Developing countries no longer have the freedom to run their own economies, he argues, even when they follow perfectly sound policies.

　　2. Soros, who at one stage after the fall of the Berlin Wall was providing more assistance to Russia than the US government.

　　3. Soros has the advantage of an insiders knowledge of the workings of global capitalism, so his criticism is particularly pointed.

　　4. I have not yet seen an economy in recession when you are gearing up for war.

　　Ⅱ. Hungary.

　　金融大鱷喬治索羅斯

　　在十年前的那個(gè)9 月份狙擊英鎊迫使英國退出歐洲匯率機(jī)制的投機(jī)商喬治 索羅斯有一項(xiàng)使命 利用他大約五十億英鎊的財(cái)產(chǎn)和他的名聲來幫助解決他所認(rèn)為的全球化失敗問題。一個(gè)在全球金融市場上的投機(jī)大賺幾十億的人會(huì)支持反全球化運(yùn)動(dòng), 這對許多人來說極具諷刺意味。很明顯, 對于每天在各國之間流動(dòng)的大量資金給經(jīng)濟(jì)脆弱國家造成的傷害, 索羅斯從心底感到震驚。

　　索羅斯說: 美國管理國際經(jīng)濟(jì)體系是為了保護(hù)本國利益, 它并不負(fù)責(zé)保護(hù)其他國家的經(jīng)濟(jì)。因此, 當(dāng)美國陷入衰退后, 美國會(huì)出臺(tái)反衰退政策。而其他國家陷入衰退時(shí), 卻無力這樣做, 因?yàn)橐坏┻@些國家實(shí)行自由開放的金融政策, 資金就會(huì)外流。索羅斯本人并不像一個(gè)目光敏銳的金融家, 他更具有哲學(xué)教授的氣質(zhì)。帶著匈牙利母語口音, 他用柔和的嗓音提出主張: 現(xiàn)在是修改所謂的 華盛頓共識(shí)的時(shí)候了。那是國際貨幣基金組織十五年來宣揚(yáng)的自由化、私有化和財(cái)政透明的一種混合機(jī)制。他認(rèn)為, 發(fā)展中國家即使執(zhí)行非常合理的政策, 也不能再自由地控制本國經(jīng)濟(jì)。他援引巴西的例子說, 盡管巴西實(shí)行了浮動(dòng)匯率制和可控國債, 但它向資本市場借款還是付出了比正常條件下高出十倍的成本。

　　索羅斯在柏林墻倒塌后一段時(shí)間內(nèi)向俄羅斯提供的援助曾一度超過美國政府的援助。他堅(jiān)定地實(shí)施自己宣揚(yáng)的觀點(diǎn)。他的 開放社會(huì)研究所在幫助東歐國家發(fā)展民主社會(huì)和市場經(jīng)濟(jì)方面發(fā)揮了重要作用。索羅斯具有業(yè)內(nèi)人士的優(yōu)勢, 了解全球資本主義的運(yùn)行,因此他的批評會(huì)受到特別關(guān)注。去年索羅斯基金網(wǎng)絡(luò)在教育、公共衛(wèi)生、促進(jìn)民主項(xiàng)目上花費(fèi)了近五億美元, 使索羅斯基金成為世界上最大的私人捐助集團(tuán)之一。

　　索羅斯贊揚(yáng)反全球化運(yùn)動(dòng)使各公司更加認(rèn)識(shí)到自己更廣泛的責(zé)任。他說: 我認(rèn)為 做出的重要貢獻(xiàn)是使大眾意識(shí)到這個(gè)體系的缺陷。大街上的人們對輿論會(huì)有所影響, 而向公眾推銷商品的公司也會(huì)與輿論保持一致。由于國際貨幣基金組織已經(jīng)拒絕向經(jīng)濟(jì)困難的國家提供數(shù)十億美元的救濟(jì), 索羅斯認(rèn)為亞洲經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)不會(huì)重演。國際貨幣基金組織首次在阿根廷試驗(yàn)的 既愛又嚴(yán)的新政策帶來了其他后果。國際貨幣基金組織用西方納稅人的錢承擔(dān)了銀行因不理智地向新興國家提供貸款造成的惡果, 從而使那些救濟(jì)金給華爾街帶去豐厚福利。現(xiàn)在國際貨幣基金組織對貧困國家的貸款正在枯竭。索羅斯說: 這就產(chǎn)生了一個(gè)新問題 資金從中心向周邊流動(dòng)不足。

　　索羅斯最不擔(dān)心的就是美國經(jīng)濟(jì)。他說: 我對美國的經(jīng)濟(jì)潛力比對現(xiàn)在的市場更有信心, 因?yàn)槲覀冋谶M(jìn)行的戰(zhàn)爭不僅是對付恐怖主義, 而且也是在向經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退開戰(zhàn)。盡管我們不承認(rèn), 但我們實(shí)際是在使用凱恩斯主義藥方, 我是一個(gè)堅(jiān)定的凱恩斯主義者。我從來沒見過哪個(gè)國家在準(zhǔn)備戰(zhàn)事時(shí)還會(huì)陷入經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退。他擔(dān)心這個(gè)世界上最大的經(jīng)濟(jì)大國不 能承擔(dān)起自己的責(zé)任。他說: 我希望美國能夠承擔(dān)起作為霸權(quán)國家的職責(zé), 因?yàn)槊绹粫?huì)放棄自己的霸權(quán)地位。惟一現(xiàn)實(shí)的是, 美國應(yīng)意識(shí)到, 保證世界上其他國家能從他們自己所承擔(dān)的角色中受益, 顯然是符合美國自身利益的。

　　1. sterling n. 英國貨幣體系, 英鎊。它也可作形容詞, 意思為英國貨幣的 , 英鎊的, 如: five pounds sterling 英幣五鎊正

　　2. 即International Monetary Fund 。1945 年成立的聯(lián)合國專門機(jī)構(gòu), 總部設(shè)在華盛頓, 以發(fā)放認(rèn)繳基金籌措資金, 并以特別提款權(quán)為單位計(jì)算基金。會(huì)員國中美國認(rèn)繳份額最多, 所以美國政府最能左右該機(jī)構(gòu)的方針政策。它的宗旨是協(xié)調(diào)各會(huì)員國的貨幣政策, 并通過貸款來維持貨幣穩(wěn)定和貿(mào)易平衡。

　　3. 柏林墻倒塌。二戰(zhàn)后在德國及其首都柏林施行分區(qū)占領(lǐng): 前蘇聯(lián)控制區(qū)成立東德, 美英法區(qū)成立西德, 東西柏林之間建成柏林墻, 很長時(shí)間內(nèi)成為意識(shí)形態(tài)斗爭的象征。隨著1990 年蘇聯(lián)解體, 兩德統(tǒng)一, 柏林墻也被拆除, 成為冷戰(zhàn)結(jié)束的標(biāo)志。

　　4. Keynesian adj. 凱恩斯主義的n. 凱恩斯主義者。John Maynard Keynes , 英國經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家和作家。他主張對過寬的經(jīng)濟(jì)放任政策施行類似社會(huì)主義國家的計(jì)劃管理方式, 提高社會(huì)福利標(biāo)準(zhǔn)以減少社會(huì)矛盾。在他的理論引導(dǎo)下,西方國家在二戰(zhàn)后特別是20 世紀(jì)60 年代實(shí)施國家資本主義體制, 將大量關(guān)系國計(jì)民生的行業(yè)企業(yè)收歸國有, 或者改為國有控股, 這樣做就拉長了原本幾年一次的經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)周期, 但同時(shí)經(jīng)濟(jì)容易出現(xiàn)滯脹.